The Civil Rights Movement Of 1960s History Essay

The Civil Rights Movement Of 1960s History Essay The United States Supreme Court commands no armies, create no laws, and, generally, has no affiliations with the politics. However, its written opinions often change the course of American History. On May 17th, 1954 , the United States Supreme Court made the unanimous decision on the case Brown v. Board of Education Topeka, Kansas, 347 U.S. 483  [1]  , that declared segregation of white and Negro children in public schools denies Negro children the equal protection guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution even though physical facilities and other tangible factors of white and Negro schools may be equal.  [2]   One widely accepted claim is that the ruling of Brown played an important role in deeply influencing the civil rights movement. For blacks, the ruling of Brown had an ensuring effect that the federal government is on our side.  [3]  Julius Chamberss teenage memories of Brown is a reflection of this; we assumed that Brown was self-executing. The law had been announced, and people would have to obey it. Wasnt that how things worked in America, even in white America?.  [4]  A federal judge and a leading legal scholar, J. Harvie Wilkinson III, declared that Very little could have been accomplished in mid-century America without the Supreme CourtBrown maybe the most important political, social and legal event in Americas twentieth century history.  [5]  Many scholars, like Wilkinson, agree that the decision made by the Supreme Court and other court cases such as Brown II, Sarah Key v. Carolina Coach Company, and Browder v. Gayle that followed Brown dramatically improved the legal status of Americans by deeply influencing the civil rights movement.  [6]  It is evident that the Supreme Court decision on Brown had a deep symbolic impact on people. However, many other forces perhaps much more powerful than Brown also contributed to the paving of civil rights movement. The United States having helped in the defeat of Adolf Hitler a European leader who had practiced antisemitism, and persecuted many people who he believed were inferior to his German master race left many Americans repulsed by his racial policies  [7]  . This was a major cause for Americans to look at their own society with a critical lens. Shortly after the ruling of Brown, the civil rights movement gained considerable momentum.  [8]  Demonstrations such as the sit-ins of Greensboro, North Carolina and the bus boycott of Montgomery, Alabama are a reflection of the quickened civil rights movement. Michael Klarman, a constitutional law scholar, argued that political, economic, social, demographic, and intellectual forces in the 1940s and 1950s were already liberalizing race relations in the United States, even in the South. These changes would have undermined Jim Crow perhaps with less white bitterness regardless of Supreme Court intervention.  [9]  Forces mentioned ab ove had already increased optimism in the society, prior to the decision of Brown, causing racial beliefs to slowly decline. It is acceptable to claim that Brown played a role in paving the way for the civil rights movement of the 1960s. The decision of Brown brought attention to civil rights causes, caused guilt to Northern whites, and inspired many grassroots activists. However many other powerful social and economical forces outweighed the small role Brown played in paving the path for the civil rights movement. 1. What was the role Brown played in the civil rights movement of 1960s? Direct and indirect influences of Brown The influences Brown had on the civil rights movement can be distinguished into two categories; direct influences and indirect influences. Its direct impact on the civil rights movement was school desegregation. Indirect influences, as claimed by many scholars, were varied. These included, giving civil rights issues national attention to Northern whites feeling guilt and to inspiring many grassroots and other activists by legitimizing civil rights causes. When one looks at the influences of Brown to the civil rights movement, the claim seems invalid. The influences, both direct and indirect, were over shadowed by other forces. The decision of Brown had a fairly immediate effect on segregation in the border states and isolated portions of the peripheral South.  [10]  In Kentucky the percentage of black children attending the same school as white children increased from zero (at the time of the first Brown decision in 1954) to 28 percent in 1957-1958 and jumped to 54 percent in 1963-1964.  [11]  In Oklahoma, the figures were zero percent in 1954, 18 percent in 1957-1958, and 28 percent in 1963-1964.  [12]  In 1957-1958 0.09 percent of black children attending school with white children in Arkansas and 1.4 percent in Texas (the small net yield was due to small black populations).  [13]  However, statistics from the rest of the South indicates that Brown had very little immediate effect on school desegregation. For example, in Southern states such as Tennessee and North Carolina, blacks school children attending desegregated schools were 0.12 percent and 0.01 percent in 1959-1960, and 2.7 perce nt 0.54 percent in 1963-1964.  [14]  In the deeper Southern states such as South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi, black students did not attend an integrated public grade school in 1962-1963.  [15]  In the South as a whole, only 0.16 percent of black children were attending school with white children in 1959-1960 and this increased only slightly to 1.2 percent in 1963-1964.  [16]  Only in the later parts of 1960s, after the civil rights act of 1964, did desegregation in the south began to increase.  [17]  From these statistics it is apparent that there was little impact from Brown on school desegregation. Only a 1.04 percent increase in blacks and whites attending the same school was seen in four years. Considering that direct influences of Brown being very limited, it is difficult for one to accept that indirect influences of Brown played a significant role. Claimed by many scholars, Brown had brought issues of civil rights to a national audience. However, this was only true to a certain extent. Although Brown had increased attention to civil rights causes in the South, it gained less attention in the North. An opinion poll conducted in the summer of 1955 noted that 60 percent of Southern whites, as opposed to 17 percent of northern whites, had discussed the Supreme Court decision during the week before the decision was made.  [18]  33 percent of Southern whites, compared to six percent of Northern whites, in the same poll considered segregation a more important issue than crime, atomic bombs, and high taxes.  [19]  Media coverage of civil rights events suggests that very little attention was paid to court cases such as Brown. Other civil rights event that produced confrontation and violence were the highlight of civil rights media coverage.  [20]  Examples include the Montgomery bus boycott of 1955-1956, which had little con nection with Browns decision and sit-ins of Greensboro, Alabama.  [21]  In 1952 the New York Times gave relatively more coverage to civil rights issues than in 1954 or 1955 (the years of the first and second Brown decisions).  [22]  Respondents identifying civil rights issues as the nations ultimate problem increased after the bus boycott of Montgomery, Alabama, not by Brown. This increase was insignificant compared to the outburst of public attention to civil rights causes after the demonstrations in Birmingham, Alabama during the spring of 1963.  [23]  It is evident that Brown did not gain considerable attention from both Northern and Southern states. It seems that significant attention to civil rights causes were brought by demonstrations such as sit-ins of Greensboro and Montgomery bus boycotts, not by Brown. At the time television sets were first appearing in households. Violent images such as protesters being hit by high-pressure water jets from fire-hoses were bro ad casted over the air.  [24]  This would have likely gained more international support than court cases such as Brown published in newspapers. Another widely accepted claim is that Brown aroused sympathy of Northern whites regarding the cause of civil rights. However, there is little evidence suggesting that Brown was a causation for Northern whites to feel sympathetic to the civil rights causes.  [25]  An opinion poll conducted in July of 1959 reported that only a five percent increase in public support for school desegregation, that Brown promoted, over the preceding five years was seen.  [26]  Congresses willingness to sponsor legislation can be seen as Northern whites feeling sympathetic to civil rights causes. Amount of congressional sponsors for civil rights causes steadily increased through the late 1940s and peaked in 1951-1952. Then it declined through the remainder of the 1950s and reached an all time low in 1959-1960.  [27]  Another indication that there was no significant increase of civil rights consciousness among Northern whites was the willingness of the President and the Senate to see the Eisenh ower administrations 1956-1957 civil rights bill deprive of strength in the upper house.  [28]  Similarly, a study by Ema Lou Thornbroughs Indiana state Legislature proceedings revealed that the legislature discussed more civil rights issues during the 1950s than in the 1940s. But it did not enact meaningful legislation until after the civil rights revolution of the early 1960s.  [29]   One of the most popular and widely accepted assumptions regarding Browns decision was that it legitimized the civil rights causes, increased the hope of its success, and was a catalyst for new activism within the black community.  [30]  Activists in the civil rights movement has given many accounts of Browns significance. For example, Martin Luther King, Jr., declared in 1958 that Brown had brought hope to millions of disinherited Negroes who had formerly dared only dream of freedom..  [31]  Fred Shuttlesworth, leader of the indigenous civil rights movement in Birmingham, notes his role in the movement to Brown. Browns decision, as he remembered, stirred up in me what I knew all the time.  [32]  As Thurgoood Marshall found more people in the South willing to stand up as plaintiffs, they said The federal government is on our side.  [33]  Around sixty desegregation petitions filed by local branches of The National Association for Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to school boards in the deep South in July of 1955.  [34]  This suggest that Brown inspired litigation that challenged state sponsored segregation. Shortly after Brown, in Greensboro, North Carolina, blacks began to desegregate the city golf courses. Also, blacks in Birmingham and Montgomery, Alabama, began to challenge segregation in city parks and public transportation by bringing court suits.  [35]  Not only did Brown assure people the legitimization of civil rights causes, it also stimulated black hope.  [36]  As Robert Jackson, a black history professor at Virginia Union University, notes This is a most exciting moment. I havent seen collective emotion since the day Roosevelt died. A lot of us havent been breathing for the last nine months. But today the students reacted as if a heavy burden had been lifted from their shoulders. They see a new world opening for them and those that follow them.  [37]  One staff member of the NAACP branch in New York recalled that t hey sat there looking at one another. The only emotion that we felt at that moment was awe-every one of us felt it.  [38]  Black leaders were hopeful that Brown would affect race relation in all dimensions of American life.  [39]  Charles Johnson, the President of Fisk University, explained in the summer of 1954, the principal enumeration was not merely that of constitutionality of racial segregationif segregation is unconstitutional in educational institutions, it is no less unconstitutional in other aspects of our national lives..  [40]  Martin Luther King, Jr., and A. Philip Randolph led prayer pilgrimage to Washington D.C., on the anniversary of Brown in the late 1950s, thus proving that blacks regarded Brown as an important symbol.  [41]  It is impossible to measure the legitimizing effect Brown had on the society. Because of this it is difficult for one to either accept or reject the interpretation. However it is not clear that Browns decision was needed for th e legitimization effect on the society. Other forces seem much more likely to have caused this legitimizing effect in the society. When assessing the impact of Brown, both direct and indirect, on the civil rights movement, one can conclude the little significance of Brown. Browns limited impact on school desegregation is widely accepted. However, its indirect contributions such as bringing civil rights issues national attention, causing guilt to Northern whites, and legalizing civil rights causes in the eyes of blacks seems exaggerated. As evidence shows, Brown only brought significant attention to civil rights causes in the South. National attention brought by other civil rights demonstrations such as the famous Montgomery bus boycott and electrifying sit-ins of Greensboro dwarfed that of Brown. The decision of Brown did not arouse significant guilt from the northern whites. As mentioned earlier, only a five percentage increase in public support for civil rights causes were seen after the decision of Brown. It is difficult to either accept or reject the claim of Brown legitimizing civil rights causes in the eye s of blacks. However more plausible factors such as political, economical, and social, that were in effect even before Brown, are much more likely to have effected the view of legitimized civil rights causes and essentially paving the way for the civil rights movement. 2. Postwar forces had relatively large effect on the civil rights movement Shortly after the decision made by the United States Supreme Court, the civil rights movement gained considerable momentum. Key to the quickened civil rights movement was ongoing postwar forces such as rising prosperity, high levels of education, and demographic movements.  [42]  These forces combined promoted expectations from both blacks and whites concerning ways of life including race relations.  [43]  When the effect of these forces are compared with Browns influence on the civil rights movement, it is evident that influence of Brown is exaggerated. Michael Klarman claim that the democratic ideology of World War II and the greater opportunities for political and economical advance that the war afforded had already fostered a civil rights consciousness in most American blacks.  [44]  This is reflected by the comment of a black veteran returning home from the war as he registered to vote:After having been overseas fighting for democracy, I thought that when we got back here we should enjoy a little of it.  [45]  It is evident that there were many effective challenges to civil rights before and during the war. In 1942 blacks in North Carolina issued the Southern Black Declaration of Independence.  [46]  This supported the Fair Employment Practice Committee and initiated actions to put an end to segregation, and inequalities in housing, medicine, and education.  [47]  Also during the war blacks, in Norfolk, Virginia, began to protest segregation in public transportation. They began to join voter leagues, started to p ay taxes in record numbers, and served on war-related boards and councils. Thus increasing black presence in the community they were able to successfully support the appointment of two black police officers into the city police force.  [48]  In the 1940s number of black voters increased from 151,000 to 9000,000.  [49]  By the late 1940s, black candidates were running for public office and occasional winning. In Northern sates, ideology of the war combined with increasing political power of urban blacks, led to the implementation of civil rights laws in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Most of these laws promoted fail employment practices and open public accommodations, and some went far as forbidding segregation in public schools.  [50]  The challenges to Jim Crow that existed prior to war and during was beginning to bear results. There were desegregation of the Montgomery police force, elevators of buildings in Birmingham, juries in Little Rock, department stores and pub lic facilities in Greensboro, public libraries, parks, and swimming pools in Louisville. All in the early 1950s before Brown. Rapidly increasing challenges to Jim Crow such as these during and after the war suggests that Brown was not the first to challenge racial beliefs in the society. Much of the legitimization of civil rights causes, that was perceived as an indirect action of Brown, can be explained through these things mentioned above. Political, economic, and social factors that caused these overall laid much of the groundworks for the civil rights movement. Conclusion After more than five decades it is still difficult to determine the exact role Brown played in paving the way for the civil rights movement in the 1960s. Many scholars claim that indirect influences of Brown played a major role in laying groundworks for the civil rights movement. Other scholars claim that Brown itself was caused by many powerful postwar forces. Most scholars agree that there were three main indirect influences: Brown increased civil rights issues in a national context, caused the Northern whites to feel guilt, and legitimized civil rights issues in the eyes of grassroots activists. After examining the evidence surrounding these indirect influences it seems that they did not contribute much to laying groundworks for the civil rights movement. Evidence suggesting post war forces contributed to the civil rights movement is most plausible. As to question of Browns role in paving the way for the civil rights movement, it is evident that Brown played a relatively small role compared to that of post war forces. Brown itself can be seen as a reflection of swelling postwar forces. These forces since the 1940s have increased optimism in the society and weakened racist beliefs. It is acceptable to claim that Brown did contribute to the civil rights movement. However Browns contributions were dwarfed by those of postwar forces.

Character of Sydney Carton in A Tale of Two Cities :: Tale Two Cities Essays

Character of Sydney Carton in A Tale of Two Cities "A Tale of Two Cities," set in two European cities torn by war, Charles Dickens paradoxically introduces his story, "It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us,...in short, the period was nothing like the present, that some of its noisiest authorities insisted on its being received, for good or for evil, in the superlative degree for comparison only." In fact, the author negatively introduces specific characters, giving them an obscured identity. First portrayed as a shy, young man, Sydney Carton, constantly suffering debasing comments made by his ostensibly intelligent co-worker, seems unable to overcome his pre-determined life of unhappiness. Ironically, the `jackal' finally be gan to feel alive upon his choice to sacrifice his life to the Guillotine. Probably the most obvious character transformation was that of Sydney Carton as, ultimately, preconceived notions prove to have been deceiving, as the character began to exhibit another facet of true personality. Young Sydney Carton, associate of Mr. Stryver, appears quite glum upon his introduction at the `Old Bailey'. "Mr. Carton, who had so long sat looking at the ceiling of the court, changed neither in place nor his attitude, even in this excitement. This one man sat leaning back...his hands in his pockets, and his eyes on the ceiling as they had been all day. Something especially reckless in his demeanor, not only gave him a disreputable look, but so diminished the strong resemblance he undoubtedly bore to the prisoner." Due to being unsocial and pessimistic, Carton is familiar with leading a life of solitude. However, while his expression and attitude may have not allowed him to seem an observant man, he took in more of the details of the seen than he appear to take in. In fact, he was the first man to see Lucy Manette's head droop upon her father's breast.

Killing and Letting Die Essay

Foot’s calculated article entitled, ‘Killing and Letting Die’ is one which provides arguments through hypothetical situation’s, discrediting opinions and beliefs of other modern philosophers. Its main cause is to locate moral differentiation between the active taking of life versus allowing death to occur by means of not producing assistance. Afterwards Foot applies these beliefs onto the sub-topic of abortion, highlighting flawed examples of pro-abortion arguments she then counters these with her own strong outlooks. In this critical report I intend to analyse the relevance and application of Foot’s arguments highlighting both strengths and weaknesses in Foot’s judgements. Foot opens by expressing that in specific circumstances, for instance our negligence to end third world starvation as opposed to the giving of poisoned food to these starving individuals, our moral agency has a role. This is a sound argument, we have sufficient resources to end starvation with little if any detriment to ourselves yet we fail to provide. This failure is just as morally wrong as providing poisoned food. This is not to say Foot believes killing and allowing to die are the same. It is merely her belief in this particular circumstance that they are not morally dissimilar. Proceeding this is a hypothetical proposal of two circumstances: One, in which 6 individuals are reliant on the intake of a certain rare drug. One individual requires the full quota of this specific medification in order to live, thus the other five would not receive the drug and would consequentially die. It is therefore clear to Foot that the five should receive the drug and regrettably allow this individual to die. The other, where five persons require organs and to save their life one patient is killed to obtain these for the five in need. The clear moral distinction between these two is the role played by moral agency. We play our part as an ‘agent’ in the death of a person whereas in the other we cannot be held responsible for the eventual outcome- being his death. It is our active involvement in the case of ‘the killing for spare parts’ which is denounced as morally wrong by Foot, whereas in the case of providing the medicine at a lower quantity to the five patients rather than all the medicine to the one patient; we are not an agent in the death as the resources were insufficient to keep the individual alive. Thus Foot concludes a morally justified stance is adopted. This point is further continued in Foot’s ‘Rescue I’ and ‘Rescue II’ cases she offers. Rescue I involves a rescue team hurrying to save five persons from drowning before the receive news of one person threatened by some other happening, they choose to continue to save the five and regretfully allow him to die. This is then contrasted with the hypothetical situation of Rescue 2. Rescue 2, the rescue team are on their way to save the five from drowning when blocking their road is an individual trapped on their route. To continue and save the five the team would have to drive over the individual resulting in certain death. Foot progresses this point by stating, â€Å"We cannot originate a fatal sequence, although we can allow one to run its course. † It is therefore apparent Foot is establishing her stance as against the idea killing and allowing to die are morally divergent. This stance though can be countered with an example proposed by James Rachels which is recognised by Foot. In the first case, a child is intentionally held underwater in the bath until they drown. And in the second an individual see’s the child slip and fall underwater, whilst the child drowns they do nothing. Foot accepts that both are morally wrong however she provides weak and incoherent reasoning for her contradiction. Resorting to an argument involving ‘levels of badness’, as if an untoward deed can be rated on a scale. It is ludicrous to suggest any act of malicious or evil intent can be inferior to another simply because of the outcome. Also Foot suggests that because the two cases differ in their acts, the result cannot be known to be the same. Foot’s established beliefs are then applied to the sub-topic of abortion, and if there are any situations it is morally justifiable to abort a foetus. Foot introduces an argument voiced by Thomson in favour of abortion. Thomson’s belief is that abortion is always morally justifiable as no human being has the right to use of another’s body, therefore the foetus’ rights are waived and the mother’s rights to remove the foetus as a hindrance take precedence. Foot recites Thomson’s flawed example of an dangerously ill individual being hooked to the body of another person without consent in order to survive being similar to that of a pregnant woman. She continues to say if the unconsenting person detaches himself he is not a murderer as the ill person is proving an inconvenience to them. Foot breaks down this argument by showing there is an intrinsic difference between instigating a fatality and not providing the means to continue life. Foot finds that the language used to describe failing to provide the means to survive does not serve purposes of this argument. Foot indicates the word ‘kill’ is unimportant and it is infact the outcome of death is not instigated by an agent it is otherwise allowed to take place. This is relative to the act of abortion as Foot suggests the foetus is dependant on its mother in the same way children depend on their parent’s for food and shelter. Thus Foot hints that the previous suggestions by Thomson are horrendously faulty, by denouncing her comment that a mother’s rights override a foetus’ rights as it hinders her life. Surely this is saying that if an alive child is proving a encumbrance to it’s parents lives it is morally justifiable that they terminate its life. Foot correctly highlights that the arguments hinges upon the audiences perception of a foetus’ moral status. Be it as a human being or otherwise. Foot proclaims that if the foetus should be considered a human being then Thomson’s argument is as similar to ‘the killing of the man for spare parts’. Concluding that the foetus’ status remains at the core of justifying the opposition or support of abortion as an act.

The Problem Of The Homelessness Epidemic - 1681 Words

Jacob Setton How to end Homelessness in D.C.? The chasm between the law and, the law as applied in practice is vast. The law provides funding for homeless people, but this often leads to discrimination because it is so difficult to gain access to these funds. Roscoe Pound, one of the most cited legal scholars of the 20th century, points out how the â€Å"laws on the street† too often differ from the â€Å"laws on the books† and result in discrimination. Homeless people suffer from government bureaucracy that makes it almost impossible for a homeless person to successfully receive aid without help from others. The application process for applying for aid is both strenuous and difficult, that requires a level of literacy skills and legal expertise that would likely preclude an otherwise healthy person from becoming homeless in the first place. In order to fix this injustice, experiments in the field of healthcare and government-policy, must be applied to help the homeless in our community in D.C.. To solve the homelessness epidemic, we need to expand collaborations between institutions that already exist in D.C.to help the homeless and create a â€Å"housing first† plan that provides both rapid housing for the temporarily homeless and permanent supportive housing for those who are chronically homeless. 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